Dissertation on the first principles of government

Dissertation on the first principles of government

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Dissertation on first-principles of government: by Thomas Paine, ...

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When rights are secure, property is secure in consequence. All the several forms and systems of government, however numerous or diversified, class themselves under one or other of those primary divisions; for either they are on the system of representation, or on that of hereditary succession.

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Dissertation on the First Principles of Government

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Nature is often giving to the world some extraordinary men who arrive at fame by merit and universal consent, such as Aristotle, Socrates, Plato, etc.

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Dissertation On The First Principles Of Government

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Secondly, of the generations that are to follow.

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The fee-absolute was not in them, it is not in us, it belongs to the whole family of man, thro' all ages. Having thus opened the case generally, I proceed, in the first place, to examine the hereditary system because it has the priority in point of time.

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To take away this right is to reduce a man to slavery, for slavery consists in being subject to the will of another, and he that has not a vote in the election of representatives is in this case. Who is he that would exclude another?

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The primary divisions are but two.

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You are in no way encouraged to pass the completed paper as one of yours, but instead you should take it as a basis for writing a paper of your own.

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When we consider how many ways property may be acquired without merit, and lost without a crime, we ought to spurn the idea of making it a criterion of rights.

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I shall speak upon each of those cases. The moral principle of revolutions is to instruct, not to destroy.

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Man is himself the origin and the evidence of the right. We invest in development and training of our employees, so you receive an instant help from the most suitable candidate competent in the type and level of essay writing you require.

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To what cause are we to ascribe it?

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When therefore we take from any man the exercise of hereditary power, we take away that which he never had the right to possess, and which no law or custom could, or ever can, give him a title to.

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This wax-work order has assumed the name of aristocracy; disseration the disgrace of it would be lessened if it could be considered only as childish imbecility.

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The custom papers our authors write are checked several times in order to eliminate any inconsistencies.

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Those means are, in general, insurrections; for while the established government of despotism continues in any country it is scarcely possible that any other means can be used.

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But when property is made a pretense for unequal or exclusive rights, it weakens the right to hold the property, and provokes indignation and goveenment for it is unnatural to believe that property can be secure under the guarantee of a society injured in its rights by the influence of that property.

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This would be supposing an absurdity; for either it is putting time in the place of principle, or making it superior to principle; whereas time has no more connection with, or diissertation upon principle, than principle has upon time. As property, honestly obtained, is best secured by an equality of rights, so ill-gotten property depends for protection on a monopoly of rights.

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In extensive countries and societies, such as America and France, this right in the individual can only be exercised by delegation, that is, by election and representation; and hence it is that the dissertation on the first principles of government of representative government arises. As slaves, if we think that any former generation had a right to bind us; as tyrants, if we think that we have authority to bind dissertation science philosophie generations that are to follow.

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It is an insult to every man of years, of character, and of talent, in a country. The moment we begin to reason upon the hereditary system it falls into derision; let but a single principlfs begin and a thousand will soon follow.

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The minor cannot surrender them; the dissertation on the first principles of government cannot dispossess him; consequently, the aged part of a nation, who are the law-makers for the time being, dissertation on the first principles of government who, in the march of life are but a few years ahead of those who are yet minors, and to whom they must shortly give place, have not and cannot have the right to make a law to set up and establish hereditary government, or, to speak more distinctly, an hereditary succession of governors; because it is an attempt to deprive every minor in the effective essay, at the time such a law is made, of his inheritance of rights when he shall come of age, and to subjugate him to a system of government to which, during his minority, he could neither consent nor object.

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To attempt it is to provoke derision, or invite destruction.

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Every age and generation is, and must be as a matter of right , as free to act for itself in all cases, as the age and generation that preceded it. In this ever running flood of generations there is no part superior in authority to another.

Next to matters of principle are matters of opinion, and it is necessary to distinguish between the two. While men could be persuaded they had no rights, or that rights appertained only to a certain class of men, or that government was a thing existing in right of itself, it was not difficult to govern them authoritatively.

The right which I enjoy becomes my duty to guarantee it to another, and he to me; and those who violate the duty justly incur a forseicure of the right. Is it in the man, or in the mule? If they are equally right in principle, it is mere matter of opinion which we prefer. I answer NO; and that any law or any constitution made for that purpose is an act of treason against the right of every minor in the nation, at the time it is made, and against the rights of all succeeding generations.

As to that part of government that is called the executive, it is necessary in the first place to fix a precise meaning to the word.

The proposal therefore to disfranchise any class of men is as criminal as the proposal to take away property. He makes his position clear in this pamphlet when he writes: It is ever the practise of felons to act in this manner. That property well ever be unequal is certain. The principle of equal rights has been repeatedly violated, and that not by the majority but by the minority, and that minority has been composed of men possessing property, as well as of men without property; property, therefore, even upon the experience already had, is no more a criterion of character than it is of rights.

It would be a question, if any man or class of men have a right to exclude themselves; but, be this as it may, they cannot have the right to exclude another. It would be the same system under any other titulary name as it is now.

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